In the essay “Repressive Tolerance” (), the Germanborn American critical theorist Herbert Marcuse () of the Franklin School of political theorists . When Herbert Marcuse’s essay entitled “Repressive tolerance” was Keywords: Repressive Tolerance; Herbert Marcuse; Social Organisation of Knowledge. Herbert Marcuse’s resonant and insightful words: “In the contemporary period, the democratic argument for abstract tolerance tends to be.
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Liberty is self-determination, autonomy–this is almost a tautology, but a tautology which results from a whole series of synthetic judgments. And the representatives of this majority, hrbert ascertaining and executing its will, ascertain and execute the will toldrance the vested interests, which have formed the majority. In a world in which the human faculties and needs are arrested or perverted, autonomous thinking leads into a ‘perverted world’: I haven’t done one of these in a while and I do like my nostalgia.
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Not ‘equal’ but more representation of the Left would be equalization of the prevailing herert. Nietzsche on the Stoics: It is of two kinds: Albert Einstein on the power of ideas and imagination in science Great academic opportunities: Post was not sent – check your email addresses!
Del Grosso Destreri, L. And this contradiction is not simply stipulated, is represeive simply the product of confused thinking or fantasy, but is the logical development of the given, the existing world. The elimination of violence, and the reduction of suppression to the extent required for protecting man and animals from cruelty and aggression are preconditions for the creation of a humane society.
Herbert Marcuse on Tolerance | Guided History
The telos of tolerance is truth. The publicity of self-actualization promotes the removal of the one and the other, it promotes existence in that immediacy which, in a repressive society, is to use another Hegelian term bad immediacy schlechte Unmittelbarkeit.
They turn shouting matches into spe I shall presently try to suggest the direction in which an answer may be sought In any case, the contrast is not between democracy in the abstract and dictatorship in the abstract. They would include the withdrawal of toleration of speech and assembly hdrbert groups and movements which promote herbsrt policies, armament, chauvinism, discrimination on the grounds of tolearnce and religion, or which oppose the extension of public services, social security, medical care, etc.
Such spurious neutrality serves to reproduce acceptance of the dominion of the victors in the consciousness of man. Impartiality to the utmost, equal treatment of competing and conflicting issues is indeed a basic requirement for decision-making in the democratic process–it is an equally repdessive requirement for defining the limits of tolerance.
Can such tolerance serve to contain qualitative social change?
For they pertain to the basis on which the repressive affluent society rests and reproduces itself and its vital defenses – their removal would be that total revolution which this society so effectively repels. Even in the advanced centers of civilization, violence actually prevails: I shall discuss this question only with reference to political movements, attitudes, schools of thought, philosophies which are ‘political’ in the widest sense–affecting the society as a whole, demonstrably transcending the sphere of privacy.
It should be evident by now that the exercise of civil rights by those who don’t have them presupposes the withdrawal of civil rights from those who prevent their exercise, and that liberation of the Damned of the Earth presupposes suppression not only of their old but also of their new masters. Now in what sense can liberty be for the sake of truth?
Within the affluent democracy, the affluent discussion prevails, and within the established framework, it is tolerant to a large extent. Douglass Kellner and Clayton Pierce. Liberating tolerance, then, would mean intolerance against movements from the Right and toleration of movements from the Left.
But with the concentration of economic and political power and the integration of opposites in a society which uses technology as an instrument of domination, effective dissent is blocked where it could freely emerge; in the formation of opinion, in information and communication, in speech and assembly.
In the meantime, the question must be treated in abstracto –abstraction, not from the historical possibilities, but from the herbrt of the prevailing societies.
These considerations can never justify the tolerancw of different sacrifices and different victims on behalf of a future better society, but they do allow weighing the costs involved in the perpetuation of an existing society against the risk of promoting alternatives which offer a reasonable chance of pacification and liberation. A family that doesn’t respect me? Repressive tolerance and free speech.
Marcuse, Herbert, Marxism, Revolution and Utopia: If the choice were between genuine democracy and dictatorship, democracy would certainly be preferable. Consequently, it is also possible to identify policies, opinions, movements which would promote this chance, and those which would do the opposite. The practice of a liberating tolerance was the only reptessive for its restoration.
Against the emphatic insistence on the part of spokesmen for labor, I maintain that practices such as planned obsolescence, collusion between union leadership and management, slanted publicity are not simply imposed from above on a powerless rank and file, but are tolerated by them and the consumer at large. Equality of tolerance becomes abstract, spurious. Marcuse argues that “the realization of represdive objective of tolerance” requires “intolerance toward prevailing policies, attitudes, opinions, and the extension of tolerance to policies, attitudes, and opinions which are outlawed or suppressed.
John Stuart Mill does not only speak of children and minors; he elaborates: Accessed November 27, The tolerance expressed in such impartiality serves to minimize or even absolve prevailing intolerance and suppression.
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Where the mind has been made into a subject-object of politics and policies, intellectual autonomy, the realm of ‘pure’ thought has become a matter of political education or rather: The whole post-fascist period is one of clear and herhert danger.
The problem is not that of an educational dictatorship, but that of breaking the tyranny of public opinion and its makers in the closed society.
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